The Durban Summit and Beyond: Whither the Commonwealth

Date: 24 Nov 1999
Speaker: Secretary-General Chief Emeka Anyaoku
Location: The Royal Institute of International Affairs, London, UK

Chatham House has been long known as a think-tank of high quality on international issues, and I know the enormous influence it exercises in Britain and abroad. The Commonwealth Secretariat has had long and fraternal relations with Chatham House; I welcome this opportunity to share and reflect on the outcomes of the Durban Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting which concluded barely a week ago, and to look to the future.

The Significance of Durban CHOGM
The Durban meeting was remarkable for many reasons. It was the first Commonwealth Summit ever on the soil of South Africa. Commonwealth Leaders had waited long for this moment. If the Commonwealth can take pride in having stood by the people of South Africa in their long struggle against the evil of apartheid, South Africa has in turn done more to shape the modern Commonwealth than any other country. It was also, for the second time in its history, a meeting without the representatives of military regimes or one-party governments present. The emergence of the Commonwealth as a 'club of democracies' was clearly evident.

The Durban meeting also coincided with the 50th anniversary of the London Declaration of April 1949, which, by accommodating republics within the association, encouraged the development of the modern Commonwealth, enabling new bonds of friendship to replace the old order. If today the Commonwealth is a distinctive and dynamic organisation making a difference in the world, that is largely the outcome of the decision taken in London in 1949.

Of the 52 countries who attended the meeting, 47 were represented by Heads of State or Prime Ministers, the largest number ever.

The Queen's participation in the opening ceremony as Head of the Commonwealth, for the second time in succession, was widely appreciated, and marks the Commonwealth as a self-assured organisation, unburdened of the fears of the past.

Commonwealth Leaders also met at a time when the Commonwealth's role had been taking an enlarged and distinctive direction in the past decade, and when it promises to offer much to the new century.

Commonwealth Fundamental Political Values
If one area of activity can be said to have been emblematic of the Commonwealth in the period since 1991, it has been the promotion of democracy and good governance. The Harare Declaration adopted by Heads of Government is hardly a decade old but in the time it has been in force, it has transformed the Commonwealth morally and politically. The establishment of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) in 1995 "to deal with serious or persistent violations" of the Harare Declaration's fundamental political values represented a further step forward by providing the Commonwealth with a mechanism to invigilate compliance with those values.

From the time of its establishment, CMAG concerned itself with countries under military rule, namely, the Gambia, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone, and in each of these cases the Commonwealth played a significant role in assisting their transition to democratically elected governments. It was indeed sad that prior to Durban, as we were ready to celebrate these successes, the Commonwealth was confronted with the military coup in Pakistan. This prompted an immediate and firm response from the association, with the swift suspension of that country from the Councils of the Commonwealth. Thereafter, CMAG despatched a Ministerial Mission to that country with a view to persuading General Musharraf to restore democracy and return to constitutional governance. CMAG's report covering its work since Edinburgh, its Mission to Pakistan, and its recommendations on its own future role was the subject of much discussion at Durban.

In regard to Pakistan, Heads of Government saw the recent military coup as a clear setback for the Commonwealth and condemned it. They believed that no legitimacy could be accorded to the military regime and called for the restoration of civilian democratic rule without delay. And they endorsed the suspension of the military regime from the Councils of the Commonwealth. They requested CMAG to keep the situation under review and be prepared to recommend further measures to be taken by the Commonwealth if progress to democracy was not made speedily. They also urged that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and others detained with him be released immediately and that the rule of law in Pakistan be duly observed.

At Durban, Heads of Government were concerned at the continued existence of a Decree in the Gambia, which appears to proscribe the political activities of certain political parties and individuals in that country. It was remarkable that a candid discussion could take place on this with the active participation of President Yahya Jammeh, who extended an invitation to CMAG to visit his country and assess first-hand the Gambia's compliance with Harare Principles.

Heads of Government also gave considerable attention to the future role of the CMAG, in particular the desirability of adopting some guidelines in dealing with situations of serious or persistent violations of Harare Principles other than military or one-party rule. It was recognised that such abuses could take place in countries with elected governments, but developing suitable criteria for intervention was more problematic. While some governments clearly welcomed the adoption of such guidelines, others felt that the guidelines should also encompass wider questions, essential to proper functioning democracies. As a result, it was felt that this matter should be considered further by the Commonwealth High Level Group established at Durban to review the role of the Commonwealth and how best it could respond to the challenges of the new century. I will be coming back to the subject of the High Level Group and its wider mandate later on.

The question of democracy featured prominently at Durban, with much robust and constructive debate. Significantly, much of the arguments for an enlarged role for the Commonwealth in the deepening of democracy have come from member countries from the developing world, which makes Commonwealth's agenda for democracy a forceful and sustainable one.

There was considerable discussion of the relationship between political values and sustainable development, with many Leaders recognising the inter-dependence of the two, and calling for international co-operation to support democracies in achieving benefits for the poor. They were also much concerned with the impact of corruption on democratic processes, noting that corruption has become global in reach and that it must be tackled comprehensively through action at both national and international levels. In this connection, I should mention that Commonwealth Leaders endorsed the Framework for Principles for Promoting Good Governance and Combating Corruption proposed by a Commonwealth Expert Group and endorsed by Commonwealth Finance Ministers. They called on the Secretary-General to formulate strategies to facilitate the implementation of the Framework.

In a world where internal conflicts seem to have replaced interstate conflict, affecting peace and political stability, Commonwealth governments are increasingly using help from the Secretariat to resolve these conflicts or defuse tensions. My response has usually been to send an emissary or to go myself when the situation necessitates it. In the period since 1991, the Commonwealth has provided good offices in this manner to Bangladesh, Guyana, Kenya, Lesotho, Papua New Guinea, Sierra Leone, Solomon Islands and Tanzania to name only some. The involvement of the Secretariat in what are essentially domestic affairs is a tribute to the Commonwealth connection. At Durban, Heads commended the valuable contribution made by the Secretary-General's good offices role to peace, democratic order and political stability through the prevention and resolution of conflict situations in member countries, and this is clearly a role that is much prized by member countries.

People-Centred Development: The Challenge of Globalisation
The discussions at Durban touched on many political matters including those related to the territorial integrity of Cyprus, Belize, and Guyana, and the conflicts in Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo, and issues related to Small Arms and Terrorism. But the Special Theme of the meeting was "People-Centred Development: The Challenge of Globalisation". The ensuing debate led to the adoption of the Fancourt Declaration. That statement, while recognising that globalisation was creating unprecedented opportunities for wealth creation and the betterment of the human condition, expressed concern that nearly half the world's population lived on less than $2 per day, with the poor marginalised in today's globalised world. Heads agreed with President Mbeki that poverty and human deprivation made global peace and security fragile, limited the growth of markets, and forced millions to migrate in search of a better life. They were unanimous in recognising that the persistence of deep poverty on such a colossal scale constituted a deep and fundamental flaw in the world economy.

In looking for solutions, Heads of Government did not call for an abandonment of the commitment to market principles. They recognised that globalisation was a reality and called for ways of ensuring that its benefits were shared more widely through greater equity for countries in global markets.

The forthcoming Ministerial Meeting of the WTO at Seattle, convened to discuss the launch of the next round of negotiations on trade, was the subject of much discussion among Commonwealth Leaders at Durban. The language of the Declaration on this very complex issue is indeed very positive in that it recognises the need both for liberalisation of trade and for equity, and urges that the needs of developing countries be taken into account. Heads called for the Round to be balanced in process, content and outcome. And they were able to achieve a genuine bridging of positions when they said that while it was important to uphold labour standards and protect the environment, these issues must be addressed in a way that did not, by being linked to trade liberalisation, end up effectively impeding free trade and causing injustice to developing countries.

The overall message of the Fancourt Declaration is clear. It calls for the elimination of poverty and the promotion of human capabilities to be moved to the centre of national and international agendas in the new century. It recognises that, crucial to achieving these objectives, is the importance of participatory processes and good governance at both national and international levels.

Other Developmental Issues
Heads of Government were also able to discuss a number of other related developmental matters and reach significant conclusions. They stressed that the Commonwealth should continue to be a driving force in international efforts to secure a lasting exit from debt for the poorest and most indebted countries in the world. While welcoming the recent HIPC agreements, they asked for their swift implementation, and agreed that it was important that the procedures relating to the poverty reduction strategies should not delay access to timely debt relief; and that the enhanced HIPC framework should be financed in a way that provided additional resources and avoided adverse effects on other poor developing countries.

Advancing the cause of gender equality has been a major Commonwealth objective. The development of the Commonwealth Plan of Action on Gender and Development in 1995 sought to accelerate the empowerment of women, strengthen women's affairs machineries in member government and integrate gender issues into the mainstream of all governments and Secretariat activities.

At Durban, Heads of Government reaffirmed their support for these objectives and endorsed the updated Plan of Action, to be presented to the next meeting of Ministers Responsible for Womens Affairs scheduled to take place in Delhi in early 2000 for their detailed consideration. At Durban there was grave concern over the devastating social and economic impact of HIV/AIDS, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, and they agreed that this constituted a Global Emergency. They called that greater priority be attached to research into new methods of prevention, the development of an effective vaccine and effective ways of making affordable drugs for the treatment of HIV/AIDS.

Commonwealth Business Forum
Commonwealth Leaders have been increasingly supportive of the essential role of the private sector as a partner in pursuing sustainable development. The Commonwealth Business Council, established by Heads of Government at Edinburgh, was able to bring together at Johannesburg, immediately prior to the Durban CHOGM, more than 600 business persons and governmental leaders to discuss ways of promoting a suitable climate for enterprise and investment, and the management of the globalisation process in a way that benefits all. The report of the Business Forum was appreciated by Heads of Government and had some bearing on their decisions. The Business Council is playing a very valuable role in enabling contact between governments and business persons across the Commonwealth.

Small States
It has been clear for a long time that the Commonwealth has a particular sense of responsibility for the welfare of small states, with 29 of its 54 member states falling into that category. It has sought to convince the international community that small states had special needs which have to be differentiated from those of the generality of developing countries and accorded appropriate attention. To the old, unresolved, vulnerabilities of small states have now been added new vulnerabilities arising in the main from globalisation, which threatens small states with further marginalisation.

The Commonwealth Ministerial Mission on Small States, established at Edinburgh, took this argument to the international community and was successful in achieving the setting up of a World Bank/Commonwealth Secretariat Joint Task Force. The purpose of the Task Force is to assess the case for special treatment for small vulnerable states and enable the Bank and other international financial and trade institutions to examine their instruments for assisting these countries in coping with their unique problems, including their vulnerability to marginalisation, natural disasters, external economic shocks as well as the transitional problems associated with the changes in international trade rules that followed the implementation of Uruguay Round Agreements.

The interim report of the Task Force was welcomed by the Ministerial Group on Small States, which met in the margins of CHOGM, as a landmark document, and encouraged the Task Force to complete its report in time for the meetings of the Development Committee of the World Bank and the IMF in Spring 2000. The Ministerial Group also urged the next WTO Ministerial Meeting in Seattle to consider special measures, including special and differential treatments, for vulnerable small states. These decisions of the Ministerial Group were endorsed by Commonwealth Leaders at Durban.

Civil Society
The CHOGM has now evolved as an event with much happening in its margins. The "peoples' Commonwealth" is reflected in the participation of numerous Commonwealth, international and local NGOs at the Commonwealth Peoples Centre in Durban, which was visited by many Commonwealth Heads of Government and citizens of Durban. Under the aegis of the Commonwealth Foundation, a Commonwealth NGO Forum, the third in a series, was organised to discuss the Theme: "The Peoples Future: Citizens and Governance in the New Millennium". The objective of this project was to discuss ways of strengthening citizen action and civil society throughout the Commonwealth. The report of this forum was well received by Heads of Government who declared that people-centred development implied that people must be directly involved in the decision-making process and in the implementation of development plans and programmes through their own organisations.

The Future
As we stand on the threshold of the new century, one might ask: what are the major challenges that confront the Commonwealth and how might it respond to them?

I believe there are four major challenges.

First, there is the challenge of how to convert the Fancourt Declaration on globalisation and people-centred development into a programme of action, in the same fashion as the Harare Principles have been followed by the Millbrook programme of action.

Second, there is the threat from increasing intolerance and xenophobia in many pluralistic states: a phenomenon I have referred to as "divisive pluralism" that have spawned conflicts in Europe, Africa and Asia. The challenge of divisive pluralism cannot be addressed effectively unless policy and opinion makers throughout the world accept our common humanity. If there is a grouping of nations that can make a contribution in this regard, that grouping is the Commonwealth whose diverse members are committed to the pursuit of unity in diversity. I hope that the Commonwealth will continue to develop as a growing force for democracy and good governance, and as an effective exemplar in making the world safe for diversity. I believe that the Secretary-General's good offices role is making a unique Commonwealth contribution in this regard, and I look forward to member countries making increased use of it in future.

The third challenge is related to exploiting more effectively Commonwealth links and connections for the expansion of trade and investment. The Commonwealth Business Council with the Commonwealth Business Forum is a first step. I believe that Commonwealth members realising tangible economic benefits from the Commonwealth association would be an essential counterpart to the advantages of belonging to an organisation known for its democratic principles.

The fourth challenge is related to the emergence of regional blocs. The Commonwealth, with its global reach, will gain increasing relevance as a mechanism for inter-regional consensus building. It can do this by mobilising its capacity to fashion a sense of common purpose out of the diversity of its membership, and by using its qualities of flexibility and pragmatism and its wide ranging networks at the level of peoples. A tangible benefit for many members of belonging to the association are the many technical co-operation activities that help to promote sustainable development and strengthen the processes and institutions of democracy and rule of law. For the Commonwealth to play an enlarged and distinctive role that the challenges of the new century would require of it, it is clearly necessary for member countries, particularly those who are at higher levels of income, to channel more of their multilateral aid budgets through the Commonwealth, thus reversing the recent declines in Commonwealth Fund for Technical Co-operation resources.

The decision by Commonwealth Leaders at Durban to establish a High-Level Group, comprising ten of their number under the leadership of the President of South Africa, to advise them on how best the Commonwealth could respond to the challenges of the new century augurs well for the association. It indicates the keen interest of the Commonwealth at the highest political level to make the association strong and adaptable in facing the challenges of the new century. I have no doubt that my successor, Mr Don McKinnon of New Zealand, will contribute much to this process.

The decision by Heads that in future the chairman of CHOGM should be able to play a representational role at other international platforms in the period between CHOGMs will help the Commonwealth to acquire an enlarged voice in global affairs.

As I look forward to demit my office at the end of March 2000, I do so with a sense of satisfaction that the Commonwealth has become a force for democracy and development, and an effective facilitator of international understanding in a manner that few of us could have anticipated even a decade ago.


24th November 1999